Even as Putin was shaking hands with U.S. President George W. Bush in Bratislava on 24 February and emphasizing the myriad shared interests of Russia and the United States, a surprising wave of seemingly Kremlin-inspired anti-Americanism was sweeping through Russian domestic politics. Commentators, officials, and others began speaking in chorus about purported U.S. designs to install a pro-Western leader in Moscow, accusations that were buttressed by charges that the CIA had already done as much in Tbilisi and Kyiv.
When former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov appeared at a 25 February
press conference with harsh criticism of the Putin administration's
policies -- accusing Putin of abandoning the path of democratic
development -- Putin supporters latched onto Kasyanov's admission that
he had recently held talks with unnamed officials in Washington.
Federation Council Chairman Mironov told TV-Tsentr on 28 February that
Kasyanov has no chance of winning because he is "a pro-American
candidate."
Political consultant Gleb Pavlovskii told RFE/RL on 1 March: "[Kasyanov]
should tell by name who it was who endorsed his views. Let the
electorate listen and decide whether they want Senator [John] McCain
[Republican, Arizona] approving the views of a candidate for president
of the Russian Federation." State-controlled television broadcast
numerous variations on this theme, leading "Kommersant-Daily" television
critic Arina Borodina to conclude to RFE/RL on 1 March that "of course
there was a campaign" to discredit Kasyanov.
In his TV-Tsentr comments, Mironov went even further, saying a candidate
"endorsed by Washington does not have the slightest chance of becoming
president of today's Russia." He seemed to be indicating that
anti-American and anti-Western sentiments are rampant among the Russian
electorate.
At the same time, the pro-Kremlin youth movement Walking Together has
been transforming itself in recent weeks into a new national
organization called Nashi (Ours) that has an overtly anti-American
ideology. The architect of the new initiative is deputy presidential
administration head Vladislav Surkov, who oversees domestic politics for
the Kremlin. Surkov is a staunch anti-Westerner who in a major interview
with "Komsomolskaya pravda" in September said that decision-makers in
the United States and Europe "are living on the phobias of the Cold War
and see Russia as a potential enemy." "They take credit for the nearly
bloodless collapse of the Soviet Union and want to further that
achievement." He added that these external enemies are working in Russia
through a "fifth column" of "pseudo-liberals and Nazis" who share "a
common hatred of 'Putin's Russia,' as they call it, and common foreign
backers." He specifically said that the 2008 presidential election will
be a key moment in the fight against these enemies (see "RFE/RL
Political Weekly," 13 October 2004).
The events surrounding the Ukrainian presidential election have
definitely given impetus to this thinking in the Kremlin, although the
general trend was already in place. Walking Together organizer Vasilii
Yakemenko has been touring the country for the last few months,
agitating among students in the regions to organize local chapters of
Nashi. According to "Moskvoskii komsomolets" on 24 February, Yakemenko
told a group in Kursk that "previously [Ukraine] was a Russian colony
and now it is an American colony." He added that the United States now
intends to make Russia its "colony."
Russia's only major nonstate television network, REN-TV, on 2 March
interviewed a number of Nashi activists in Nizhnii Novgorod and found
them echoing the ideology of Surkov's interview. "We think that America
is Russia's main enemy," student Dmitrii Shvabinskii said. "One must
remember that we always have had enemies." Fellow student Dmitrii
Lyashchev said the goal of the movement "is to stop Russia from becoming
a subsidiary of the United States and a supplier of raw materials."
Several of the Nashi activists interviewed by REN-TV highlighted their
selfless devotion to their new ideology, emphasizing that Russia's
enemies are only interested in profit and personal gain. "Some people
don't think about their country," music student Maria Bystrova said.
"They only think how to eat well. Such people can sell all the secrets
they know." Fellow student Kseniya Baburkina added "we must work for the
idea, not for money."
ORT political commentator Mikhail Leontev, who is notorious for his
ant-American pronouncements on the main state television network, wrote
a 2 March commentary in "Nezavisimaya gazeta" that summed up the new
anti-Americanism. "The United States is not our reliable ally in any
area in which it declares itself one, and has never been our ally,"
Leontev wrote. He added that, as it did in Ukraine, U.S. politicians
intend to finance "subversive organizations" because "they dislike the
political system existing in Russia." "It is no secret that so-called
nongovernmental organizations are now openly financed not only by
foundations and suspicious private individuals with very peculiar
political views," Leontev wrote. "They are also directly financed by the
U.S. Congress."
Most analysts agree that the Kremlin was genuinely shaken by the events
in Ukraine and the administration fears that such a scenario could occur
-- or be provoked -- in Russia. The Kremlin's preemptive measures --
including the creation of Nashi; the discrediting of Kasyanov; the
creation of controlled leftist and, possibly, rightist political
movements to "compete" with Unified Russia; and others -- are
indications that the Putin administration is sparing no effort to make
sure that the 2007 Duma elections and the 2008 presidential race are
managed to its liking. And that there is no need for the kind of crude
falsification that stoked the unrest in Ukraine.
At the same time, the Kremlin clearly appreciates the realpolitik
orientation of the Bush administration, something that Russian
commentators emphasized during the 2004 U.S. presidential race. The
Putin administration clearly believes that Bush values stability in
Russia more than democratic development and that Putin can only improve
his international stature by appearing to be the most reliable bulwark
against a seething tide of anti-Western sentiment among the Russian
public. If the West accepts this notion, Kremlin analysts might well be
thinking, it will ease up on criticism of Russian domestic policies --
including Chechnya, the curtailing of media freedoms, and the
elimination of real political competition -- and not use economic levers
such as membership in the World Trade Organization to influence Russia's
domestic affairs.
By encouraging the broad perception that the events in Ukraine were
nothing but a CIA-sponsored coup d'etat, the Kremlin hopes to transform
its humiliating setback in Kyiv into tangible domestic and international
gains.
*Before
joining RFE/RL in 2002, Robert Coalson worked as
the opinion section editor of "The Moscow Times" and as
editor in chief of "The St. Petersburg Times."



